Private Military Companies in Latin America: From the End of the Cold War to Vectus Global

 

U.S. private military companies (PMCs) have long been established in Latin America, where they are notably involved in combating drug trafficking, protecting infrastructure, and training local forces.

 The pivotal role of Erik Prince—formerly the head of the infamous Blackwater and now leading a new PMC called Vectus Global—illustrates the resurgence of these companies in the region.

 Great-power competition in Latin America is also evident in this sector: China is gradually entering the market, while the Russian presence appears to be receding.

 

With Donald Trump’s return to the US presidency, the name of one of his staunch supporters—Erik Prince—has resurfaced on the international stage. A prominent figure in the private military company (PMC) sector since founding Blackwater (renamed Xe in 2009 and Academi in 2011, before being sold to Constellis Group), Prince has remained active in the private warfare industry ever since the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003). He has notably returned to the spotlight in Latin America with his new company, Vectus Global.

 However, the United States is no longer the only player interested in this market; Russia and, above all, China are also seeking to develop their own security firms in the sector.

 

nglo-Saxon PMCs: A Long-Standing Presence

The deteriorating security situation in many Latin American countries, combined with the fight against cartels and gangs, has long provided significant opportunities for US—and, more broadly, Anglo-Saxon—private military companies (PMCs). Their activities primarily address needs related to combating drug trafficking and organized crime, as well as protecting foreign investments and personnel. On the ground, they offer services such as consulting, training, and arms sales.

 This presence dates back at least to the 1990s. The American company DynCorp, active in Colombia since 1998, notably participated in "Plan Colombia"—launched during Bill Clinton's presidency to combat drug trafficking and bolster the country's security. It took part in anti-drug efforts—specifically the aerial spraying of herbicides such as glyphosate—as well as the protection of infrastructure and personnel, and armed operations. These activities sparked considerable controversy, particularly due to their environmental and health impacts on neighboring countries.

 In Colombia, US companies also carried out aerial intelligence missions on behalf of Washington authorities. Certain operations drew heavy criticism; notably, in 1998, intelligence provided by the company Airscan reportedly contributed to the Colombian Air Force’s bombing of a civilian village. In the country, private military companies also capitalized on the presence of rebel groups such as the FARC. An ArmorGroup subsidiary, Defense Systems Colombia, employed several hundred people—primarily former military personnel—to provide security for oil facilities, including some owned by British Petroleum. The company was also accused of involvement in serious human rights violations.

 During the same period, other private military companies (PMCs) active in the field of military training were present in the region. Examples include Gun Supply and Triple Canopy in Peru, which "offered their services"—specifically training—at military facilities owned by Lima; and Your Solution Inc. and Triple Canopy (again), which used government facilities in Honduras to train fighters from Honduras, Chile, Nicaragua, and El Salvador.

 This long-standing cooperation has also helped strengthen the capabilities of Latin American government forces, while subsequently facilitating the transition of certain military personnel into the private sector—particularly into foreign private military companies.

 Vectus Global: Erik Prince’s Comeback

Since Donald Trump’s return to the White House, the activities of Erik Prince and his company, Vectus Global, appear to be gaining new momentum. He has notably operated in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and—regarding Latin America—in Ecuador, El Salvador, Peru, and Haiti.

 In Ecuador, Prince participated in anti-crime efforts alongside local authorities in 2025. Details regarding the contracts remain scarce, but his activities reportedly focused on training and advising Ecuadorian forces, as well as combating illegal mining, drug trafficking, and organized crime. Prince also reportedly pledged to provide the "tools, tactics, and intelligence" needed to fight drug traffickers.

 Prince has also cultivated ties with Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele—meeting him on several occasions—and reportedly offered his services to Peru in 2025. Furthermore, he is said to have taken an interest in Venezuela, providing varying degrees of direct support to opponents of the Caracas regime.

 It is primarily in Haiti that Vectus Global has reportedly established a significant presence. Since early 2025, the company has allegedly been tasked with helping to combat gangs, as well as regaining control over key roadways and restoring tax and revenue collection. The group reportedly deployed between 150 and 200 personnel, supported by intelligence and communications specialists, along with helicopters, vessels, and drones.

 The latter were reportedly used in offensive operations conducted jointly with Haitian authorities. Notably, in January 2026, an operation targeted the G9 criminal group and its leader, Jimmy Chérizier, known as "Barbecue."

 In total, between March 1, 2025, and January 21, 2026, 1,243 people—including civilians—were reported killed and 738 injured by drone strikes. These strikes were carried out during 141 operations attributed to Haitian authorities, who reportedly acted—either entirely or in part—with the support of Vectus Global.

 It should also be noted that Anglo-Saxon PMCs are not limited to anti-crime operations. Companies such as MWM Inc. and Acri Defense, for instance, are developing activities related to prison surveillance and migrant management along the US-Mexico border

 

Read more: Au Mexique, le pouvoir criminalise les défenseurs des migrants

 

Russia: A Limited Presence

The Russian presence in Latin America is far more limited. Moscow’s PMCs have secured a few contracts—primarily with Russia’s allies—but have failed to establish a lasting foothold.

 In 2019, for instance, around 400 Wagner operatives were reportedly sent to Venezuela to protect Nicolás Maduro during the political crisis gripping the country. This deployment occurred as Venezuelan armed groups, backed by the American PMC Silvercorp, were attempting to overthrow the government via Operation Gideon

 In late 2021, another Russian company, Vega Strategic Services, reportedly conducted training missions for Venezuelan forces. Overall, the presence of private Russian actors has been limited to Russia’s allies in the region; however, it appears that activity by these companies in the area has significantly declined since February 2022 and the subsequent restructuring of private Russian military entities following the Wagner rebellion in June 2023.

 China Moves Under the Radar

China’s strategy differs. It supports Beijing’s economic expansion in Latin America, particularly within the framework of the New Silk Roads. The construction of strategic infrastructure—such as the Chancay mega-port in Peru—creates new needs regarding the protection of investments, facilities, and Chinese nationals.

 Consequently, Chinese security companies are present in Argentina, Uruguay, Venezuela, Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, and Peru. These include China Overseas Security Group, Beijing Dujie Security Technology Company, ZhongBao Hua’an Security Service, and China Security Technology Group, the latter being active notably in the mining sector.

 In Mexico, the "Mexican-Chinese Security Council"—founded by Feng Chengkang, a former PRC government official—reportedly protects Chinese businesspeople from gangs. This presence is part of a particularly dynamic private security market; between 2012 and 2018, the sector is estimated to have grown by 180%, reaching $1.5 billion.

 Latin America is currently one of the five major regions of operation for Chinese private security companies (PSCs), alongside Central Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and mainland Southeast Asia. However, their footprint there remains more recent and less developed than elsewhere. Their presence is bolstered by closer political and military ties between Beijing and several governments in the region—facilitated notably by the supply of equipment and the training of Latin American officers in China—particularly in the Dominican Republic.

 Long-standing international competition

The presence of foreign private military companies (PMCs) in Latin America is nothing new. Before Russian and Chinese firms arrived, Israeli companies had already established a foothold in the region. In the late 1980s, Spearhead Ltd—led by Yair Klein—supplied weapons to and trained paramilitary groups and individuals linked to drug trafficking in Colombia, including the Medellín Cartel.

 In the early 2000s, Global CST, a company founded by former Israeli military and intelligence officials, operated in countries such as Peru and Colombia. In Colombia, the firm notably provided training services to local intervention units

 The use of foreign private military companies (PMCs) holds clear appeal for Latin American states: they often possess expertise and resources superior to those of local firms, while being less likely to have ties to criminal organizations or gangs.

 Latin America has thus become an increasingly contested market. US PMCs, leveraging long-standing and extensive networks in the region, support Washington’s increasingly hardline stance against drug trafficking and organized crime. Chinese companies are expanding alongside Beijing’s growing investments and infrastructure projects, primarily to protect its interests and nationals. Russia, by contrast, appears to have seen its presence shrink significantly since the start of the war in Ukraine—and especially following the Wagner Group’s attempted mutiny in June 2023, which curtailed its room for maneuver.

 Source: THE CONVERSATION